Sunday, July 11, 2010

Gambia: The nightmare of Femi Peters' son

On 30 March, Olufemi Peters Jr rang his father, Femi Peters, from the UK where he is studying. It was just two days before his father's trial at a magistrate’s court outside the Gambian capital Banjul. Femi Peters, 64-year-old campaign manager for the United Democratic Party (UDP), had been arrested for holding an illegal political rally.

by Sheriff Bojang Jr

"He was confident on the phone that he would win the case, and so was I, because we knew that the state didn't have a genuine case against him".

But in the late hours of 1 April, Femi Peters was convicted and sentenced to a one-year jail term 'for holding a public rally and using a loudspeaker.'

The verdict bewildered his son: "The judgment has traumatised my whole family. I have always looked up to the man who gave me all his names and life and the last place I ever thought he would be is jail."

Outspoken
Opponents of  Gambian president Yahya Jammeh have been the victim of arbitrary arrests, torture and incarceration ever since Jammeh came to power in a military coup in July 1994. Even though he is now an elected head of state, opposition politicians still have a hard time under his rule. 

This was also the experience of Femi Peters, whose UDP is a very popular opposition party in Gambia. Since 1996, it has been contesting elections to 'bring back democracy, human rights and the rule of law to the Gambia'. Femi Peters was an outspoken critic of the policies and programmes of the government.

To his son Olufemi, his father's jail sentence was 'a political orchestration from the outset. If his political affiliation had been somewhat different, he wouldn't be languishing in jail right now. Let's face it... who else would go to jail for merely organising a legitimate political rally and using a loudspeaker to address a crowd?'

Travesty of justice
Human rights groups and the international community have criticised the Gambian government and the judiciary for the way it handled Femi Peters' case.

Ousainou Darboe, UDP leader and lawyer for Femi Peters, has called the judgment 'a travesty of justice'.

Since Femi Peters was sent to jail, concerns have been raised about his health and the bad prison conditions. Medical reports confirm that he is a diabetic and this deeply troubles his son:

"My dad's poor health is giving me nightmares. He is a diabetic and he had malaria the last time my family visited him in prison. I know he won't have the best medical care in there. I am very worried because in a nutshell, these guys are trying to kill my dad!"

Tough
Despite the imprisonment and the health fears, Olufemi is convinced that his father will not give in to pressure to change his position on issues of democracy and human rights:

'My dad is made of tougher stuff than that. He will not quit. That is not the man who sired me. He is very determined to see a free and democratic Gambia where we can all contribute, irrespective of our political affiliation and not get jailed, tortured or killed for it. And he will fight for that to the very end.'

Femi Peters' family and lawyer have appealed against his sentence, though there is no hope among UDP party members that the appeal will make any difference.

UNHCR to meet Senegal refugees

By Sheriff Bojang Jnr

RFI - Africans who have sought shelter in Senegal are today meeting officials of the UN High Commission for Refugees in Dakar to discuss their plight. It is estimated that thousands of refugees, mainly Mauritanians, are living in Senegal. The meeting is expected to focus on refugee grievances.

Senegal plays host to thousands of refugees from different African countries, partly because of its political stability. Most of these arrived in Senegal expecting personal security and better living conditions.

But many refugees say Senegal has failed them. They complain about neglect and discrimination by both UNHCR and the Senegalese government.

They report that locals sometimes call them "nyags", which means "little rats".

"People beat our kids; do many many things. I'm just fed up really," said one Sierra Leonean refugee.
Another said they were not treated like humans.

"No support, no nothing, no shelter, no supply for food, no help for our children," she said. "We are suffering in this country."

UNHCR Representative for West Africa Elike Segbor said assistance to some refugees had been stopped.
"We have stopped assistance to a lot of them because they have been refugees for the past ten years or so," he said. "We felt that the country has reached a certain stage where they can go back home. We initiated the repatriation. A lot of them went home. Those who decided to stay, we warned them that if you stay you stay on your own."

For John, a Sierra Leonean refugee who arrived in Senegal 1989, going home is not an option.

"Over our dead body we are returning home," he said. "If I am dying here I die, but the UNHCR is supposed to rectify our problems."

Today’s meeting will at least bring the angry refugees face to face with the authorities they blame for their sufferings.

Tired of deportation, Senegal’s youth turns to fishing

RNW - In December 2008, Mamadou Gaye and dozens of other youth from the northern Senegalese fishing village of Kayar set for a ‘do or die’ boat trip to the Spanish Canary Island.

By Sheriff Bojang Jnr

It was Gaye’s third unsuccessful trip and it took his family six months to raise the boat fare of nearly US$1500 which they borrowed from relatives and local fishermen. They’ve agreed to pay the debts within six months as they were hopeful that Gaye would make it to the Spain, start work and make enough money for that.

False hope
But like in many other cases, Gaye and his family’s project was based on false hope. After ‘very difficult’ weeks in the dark, cold and quiet ocean, Gaye and his fellows made it to the Canary Island. But only three weeks later, he was sent back to Senegal by the Spanish immigration authorities.

"I was so proud to have made it to Spain but considering the huge amount of money that was borrowed for my trip, I thought I was a liability to my family. They thought I was a loser. They preferred I die trying to succeed than to be sent back home empty-handed."

Besides the fact that dozens of youth from the small village of Kayar embarks on the boat trip to Europe each year, the sea at the village is a popular starting point for hundreds or even thousands of youth from all over the sub-region bound for Europe.

In December 2009, a boat with nearly hundred young people left Kayar for Spain. Everybody on the boat, except three who died on the way, were sent back home by the Spanish authorities.

Why not stay?
After that trip, the youth of Kayar started a project to campaign against clandestine boat migration to Europe. Under the project, they decided to dedicate their time and energy to fishing and environmental protection.
“We wasted our times and created problems for our families. So why can’t we stay here and make the best use of our sea, fish and environment rather than going to Europe only to be sent back?” Gaye said.

Recently, Diana Mrazikova, an award-winning Slovakian photojournalist organised an international outdoor photo exhibition in Kayar to promote the village for tourism.

‘Turning Oppression into Opportunity’, was the theme and Diana installed images on the same pirogues used a few years ago as means to get to Europe.

"It was a way of showing the local people that the white girl who was taking pictures in their village was not shooting postcards as they thought. On the contrary, she wants to promote their extraordinary village around the world."

And for Gaye, “the clandestine migration mentality is quickly fading away and we are hopeful that we can make a difference without risking our lives to go to Europe. Our fish will see us through.”

Senegal targets children in the fight against malaria

RNW – 22 June, 2010 - Pupils at the Garage Beintegnier Basic School in the outskirts of the Senegalese capital, Dakar stands in front of visiting USAID Administrator and staff, shoulder-to-shoulder, and sang an emotional song to their parents.

By Sheriff Bojang Jnr.

“Dear Mama, my room is a haven for mosquitoes. Dear Papa, my bed is without a mosquito net. I need protection from malaria in order to go to school or to reach my full potential...”

The song was written by 12-year-old Salieu and his 13-year-old classmate and best friend, Amadou.
With a population of about 2000, Garage Beintegnier is one of the suburbs of Dakar with a high annual malaria rate. It has just one tiny health center with hardly any drugs.

According to Salieu, “everyday a classmate or friend is absent from school or misses an exam because of malaria. Everyday a friend or a neighbour is rushed to a hospital in Dakar to be admitted for malaria. It frightened and worried me and so I decided to write a song with my friend about our fears.”

The song inspired Salieu and Amadou’s school teachers and health staff in the community to start a special project in which they give daily after-school lectures to children about malaria and mosquitoes. The idea is for the children to transmit the message to their parents, most of who are illiterates and are reluctant to apply any malaria precaution.

Magamou Gueye is a community health officer and one of the coordinators of the project. For him, “this is like a training of trainers project. We are preparing them to go out there and sensitize their parents about the consequences of malaria and how to avoid it.”

Gueye said the children are targeted ‘because in this community, parents are so poor. They can hardly afford one meal a day. But their children are their pride. They love them, they believe in their future and they listen to them.”

For Amadou, the project has made a big difference in his household and the rest of the community.

“I tell my parents everyday that mosquito is a threat to our survival and happiness. Thanks to the project and my advice, using mosquito nets and cleaning the house have become everyday routines in my household and we don’t have malaria anymore.”

As a result of his song, Salieu is treated by fellow pupils as a little celebrity. But Salieu, wearing an orange t-shirt underneath his blue uniform top, is more proud of the message he sends than his new-found popularity.
“My parents initially thought malaria is unavoidable and that when you have malaria you shouldn’t do anything about it. But after I sensitized them, they are now as conscious of it as anybody else. It makes me cry seeing them tying the mosquito nets, cleaning the backyard or advising their friends about malaria.It feels so good to sit quietly and watch them do all these things.”

The worst period of the year in Senegal for malaria is from July to September (rainy season) and it is Gueye’s hope that ‘children nationwide are used to spread the message’.

And for Amadou, ‘this should go beyond Garage Beintegnier. Children all over the country should be involved in fighting malaria because our parents are both the problem and the solution and we are their best friends. Every parent listens to his or her child.”

Hopes fading and time ticking in Senegal’s southern region

RNW - Karamo Souane is a middle-aged mechanic from the southern Senegalese region of Casamance. He has always lived in Casamance where he is the breadwinner of his large family. Last week, he filled his bag with as much belongings as he could and embarked on an approximately 10-hour journey to Thies, in the outskirts of the Senegalese capital, Dakar.

By Sheriff Bojang Jnr, Senegal

Souane decided to flee, leaving his old parents and family behind following weeks of sporadic gun battle between Senegalese troops and rebels from the secessionist Movement of Democratic Forces in the Casamance (MFDC).

“Since in the 1980s, me and my entire family have always stayed put even when things were hot. But personally, I don’t feel safe anymore. We could not sleep for days, weeks because of gun sounds and we don’t know how long we are going to survive this madness. We are tired of being afraid and that’s why I decided to flee.’

Guerilla warfare
Souane is one of the thousands of people who are reported to have fled the troubled Casamance region over the past two weeks. They complained of being attacked by both the state troops and the rebels.

The MFDC has been waging guerilla warfare against the Senegalese government over autonomy of Casamance since 1982, becoming one of Africa’s oldest armed struggles. Over the past ten years, the intensity of the Casamance war dwindled, resulting to increasing optimism that the rebels have lost ground.
But the conflict flared up when the state troops were ambushed by the rebels three weeks ago, killing two soldiers and injuring at least a dozen. The troops reacted with the fiercest attack on suspected rebel bases in a decade. Over the past weeks, they have been attacking suspected MFDC positions with shells and bombs.

Possible humanitarian crisis
A local humanitarian agent told RNW that ‘what’s happening in Casamance right now is not a humanitarian crisis but there is a possibility that we will have humanitarian crisis in our hands if the problem is not addressed quickly’.

The agent confirmed that most of those evacuating are women and children and there is not much in place to cater for their daily basic needs.

The MFDC officials earlier this week sent out a statement calling for negations over Casamance independence to be opened. Senegalese Foreign Minister, Madicke Niang retorts that ‘when they want to talk about an autonomous Casamance, an independent Casamance, I replied to them, looking straight into their eyes, that Casamance is part of Senegal, and until the sun is extinguished, Casamance will be part of Senegal.”

It is feared that Niang’s reaction will further wound the MFDC rebels who seem determined to fight for the autonomy of Casamance all the way.

Many natives of Casamance are backing the MFDC because they have always felt that the region is neglected by the government despite the fact that it produces most of the local food consumed in mainland Senegal.

Friday, June 11, 2010

West Africa, drug lords’ new El Dorado

It has mainly been Guinea Bissau all along in the sub-region. Now a poor, tiny West African state of The Gambia is also making international headlines for illicit drugs.

On Tuesday, the National Drugs Enforcement Agency in Banjul discovered over 2 tonnes of cocaine with a street value of over US$1 Billion. This is the biggest drugs scandal in West Africa and twelve suspects, including three Dutch nationals have since been charged with various drugs offences.

The scandal in Banjul is another manifestation that drug trafficking is becoming more and more a huge problem in West Africa. Until less than a decade ago, the region’s major problems were internal political instability and corrupt leadership. But the emergence of Latin American drug kingpins at the West African ports and borders has opened up another challenge for a region already battling with poverty, diseases and violence.

Corrupt officials
The International Police (Interpol) estimated that two-thirds of drugs sold in Europe from Latin America in 2009 were trafficked through West Africa. Various studies by various international organisations revealed that while the drug lords target West Africa due to poverty, senior West African officials, including politicians, lawmakers and security personnel benefits directly from the drugs trade in the countries.

Recently, Ousman Conte, an influential son of late Guinean president, Lansana Conte was arrested for alleged drug dealings. In April, former Guinea Bissau Navy chief, Rear Admiral Bubo Na Tchuto and the current chief of the air force, were listed by the US Treasury Department as drug kingpins. In March, Gambian authorities arrested Police Inspector General as well as the Head of the National Drugs Enforcement Agency for alleged drug trafficking.

In countries like Guinea Bissau, one of the poorest and underdeveloped countries in the world, top officials drive big American trucks such as Hummer on a daily basis when their annual legitimate income is half the price of a used Hummer.

Latin American drug lords come to West Africa with lot of money and with it, it is obvious that they bribe their ways in and out of the porous West African ports and borders.

Insecurity and escalating crime rate
One of the major concerns about drug trafficking in West Africa is the threat that it poses to the region. Drugs use and trafficking are singled out by experts as being responsible for West Africa’s escalating crime rate and political instability.

In Guinea Bissau for example, the numerous assassinations of army chiefs and eventually the president, Joao Bernardo Vieira are blamed on booming drugs trafficking in the country.

According to Gambia’s Drugs Enforcement Agency chief, ‘the successful operation in Banjul will serve as a new warning to Latin American drug dealers that West Africa is ready for them’.

But West Africa is the El Dorado for those drug lords and certainly, it will take a lot of efforts and fight to put them off the region.

Thursday, May 13, 2010

Stature of controversy

 New African - May 2010 - Is Senegal brand-new ‘African Renaissance Monument’ a triumph of African liberation or a monumental gaffe? Critics have condemned it but its supporters have praised the man behind it, President Abdoulaye Wade. Sheriff Bojang Jnr reports from Dakar.


At the top of a 300-foot-high hill along the western coast near the Senegalese capital, Dakar, now stands a gigantic bronze statue called the ‘African Renaissance Monument’. The 164-high statue, a few feet taller than the Statue of Liberty in New York, USA depicts a muscular man, a fatherly figure triumphantly holding a woman with his right hand and with his left hoisting a child aloft, who is eagerly pointing to the sea.

The $27 million monument was built by a North Korean firm based on the ideas of Senegalese president, Abdoulaye Wade to mark Senegal’s 50th independence anniversary. The president wanted the monument to ‘symbolise the fight against racism’. 

After much controversy over the merits and demerits of the monument, it was finally inaugurated at a lavish ceremony on 3 April, attended by 19 African heads of state, a group of 100 African-Americans led by famous civil rights activist, Rev Jesse Jackson and hundreds of other dignitaries from other parts of the world.

President Wade told his guests and jubilant supporters that ‘there is a Statue of Liberty in the United States, an Eiffel Tower in Paris. I wanted to give flesh to African Renaissance so that people know that we came through nearly six centuries of darkness, and we are going towards the light’.

He said the monument symbolised the triumph of African liberation from centuries of ignorance, intolerance and racism. And he hopes ‘the statue will rival the Statue of Liberty and the Eiffel Tower as a tourist destination’.

Echoing the sentiments, the Chairman of the African Union and Malawian president, Bingu Wa Mutharika, said the monument was a symbol of hope for the African child. To the former Nigerian president, Olusegun Obasanjo, ‘the stature is a message to the world that Africans were born free’. For Jesse Jackson, his hope is that the monument ‘will attract tourists from all over the world’.

But critics of the monument have accused President Wade of excessive spending on ‘prestige projects’ while ignoring urgent economic issues. Senegal is one of the countries hit hard by the global financial crisis and rising food prices. Unemployment is high, the health and education sectors are in crisis, and the economy is declining.

Sokhna Fatou Thiam, a middle-aged jewellery seller in Dakar and an ardent critic of the monument says: ‘This statue is an example of our president’s disconnection from the common people, the people who stood by him through thick and thin during the years of his struggle as an opposition leader, the people who voted him into power. Give me $27 million and I will spend it on upgrading hospitals and schools, and providing water and food for the needy rather than building a statue.’

Many Senegalese feel the same way as Thiam. While President Wade’s supporters see the statue as an investment that will generate income for the country, many others see it as a misplaced priority. The high cost of living, frequent power cuts and the high unemployment rate have resulted in regular street protests across Dakar and in the suburbs over the past two years. Besides, thousands of Senegalese youth take to the sea each year in a ‘do or die’ trip to Europe by flimsy boats. Most do so because of the lack of economic opportunities at home.

Abdoulaye Bathily, opposition leader and university professor, has accused Wade of spending ‘millions and millions’ on prestige projects while his people are struggling to eat one meal a day. Bathily has vowed to defeat Wade in the next elections in 2012 after which ‘we will dismantle this statue the same way Saddam Hussein statue was dismantled in Baghdad.’

According to the local Le Quotidien newspaper, the cost of the monument is equivalent to the debts of all the public hospitals in Dakar, where many sick people are sent away daily because of lack of enough beds to accommodate them.

But the monument has its own supporters too. Mame Mbacke Saine, an independent architectural consultant (who once served as an unofficial consultant for the monument), says the statue will bring long time benefits. ‘When the media tries to make a fuss out of the controversy surrounding this project, it baffles me. Come on, where in the world is there a national statue without problems and controversies? This statue represents hope and optimism, love and affection for our women, and a sign of positive change for our politicians.’

His views are echoed by Ouleye Sidibe, a high school teacher in the suburbs of Dakar. According to her, ‘there is nothing sexist about this statue. The fact that there is a woman present is enough proof that women are a priority of this government. The problem in Senegal is not what is done right or wrong by the government. It is that a lot of people hate President Wade for nothing, and no matter what he does, they will always have something horrible to say about it

My idea, my share
President Wade shocked the nation when he announced that he would personally take 35 percent of all tourist revenue from the monument. He claimed intellectual property rights as he said the project was his own idea. The remaining 65 percent share of the revenue, Wade said, would go to the state.

His announcement caused furore and anger among many Senegalese who felt strongly that he should not be entitled to any share. But experts in intellectual property rights had mixed opinions. While some said the president was entitled to the share as a man who conceived the idea, others argued that as a sitting Head of State, he cannot claim intellectual property rights for the project.

‘By claiming intellectual property rights, President Wade is acting more like a businessman than a leader elected by his people’, said one property rights analyst.

The monument has also been criticised by local feminists for what they see as ‘an attack on the fight for gender equality in Senegal.’ They don’t agree with President Wade that, put together, the three figures of the statue represent ‘victory and renaissance’. Whose victory and whose renaissance?’ the women ask.

Fatou Kine Camara, a Senegalese law professor, feminist and visual artist does not think that the statue represents any kind of victory for women. According to her, the statue is ‘an insult to all women, and men who are respectful of women in this country because what it symbolises is the triumph of patriarchal values in our society’.

According to the critics, the monument portrays a child in the arms of his father while his mother is swept along by the father.

Prof. Camara said ‘when there’s a sculpture of a couple and a child, that child is always with the mother, usually at her mother’s breast… to show that she’s the giver of life, she’s the nurturer’. What baffles Prof. Camara is that the father has the child on his muscular arm ‘as if the child will be fed by physical strength… no, he should know about love, mother’s love and tenderness, human values’.

Aissatou Laye, a newspaper columnist wrote that the statue ‘represents a singular idea and specious renaissance that places man at the heart of the problem and reduces woman to a subordinate status that can be crushed or raised depending on the mood of the man’.

The portrayal of the woman with bare thighs has also come under criticism from women’s rights activists and Muslims. The architect of the statue has hinted that the woman’s body might be covered to appease women who feel insulted by the bare thighs.

Some critics have claimed that the woman is naked from neck to waist, but an objective look reveals a torso wrapped in a light apparel or ‘sea-though’ material. She is, therefore, not naked.

Other art lovers in Senegal have rejected President Wade’s claim that the monument represent African victory. Many of them say the statue has no African appeal.

When Imams and other Muslim leaders in Senegal called for the statue to be knocked down because it was ‘idolatrous’, President Wade accused them of hypocrisy and ignorance. 

He told a public gathering that ‘in churches, Christians pray to Jesus and he’s not a God. Everybody knows this, but nobody has ever said we have to knock down churches. Nobody has ever objected or cared what the people do there’.

The Catholic community in Dakar took umbrage and called a rally in which the Archbishop of Dakar, Adrianne Theodore Sarr said the Christians were ‘insulted and humiliated’ by the president’s comment.

Violence erupted between hundreds of young Christians and the Senegalese police when the Christians took to the streets to express their disgust at the president’s comparison of the statue to Jesus.

On the eve of the inauguration of the statue, a group of Muslim clerics issued a fatwa against the project and prayed that ‘God should punish anyone who attended the inauguration’. A fatwa is a ruling on a point of Islamic law given by a recognized authority. It is popularly associated with negative things, such as a death sentence on a person or a severe punishment.

But despite all the criticisms, the African Renaissance Statue is open for business. So far, the critics have failed to look at its long-term benefits, and how the monument will pay for itself over time. They have not asked themselves how much revenue the Eiffel Tower or the Statue of Liberty or the London Eye accrue each year, or have accrued over the decades since they were built.

‘One hundred years from now, when President Abdoulaye Wade will be no more, this monument will still be earning money for Senegal to be put into poverty-eradicating projects’, said a supporter of the monument.

That notwithstanding, the monument might well mark a turning point in Senegal’s 2012 elections.